Surah 8
(Madinan Period)
Period of Revelation
Surah al-Anfal was revealed after the Battle of Badr in 2 A.H./624 C.E., and provides a full-length critique of the first major armed conflict between the forces of Islam and those of Unbelief. Given that the contents comprise a single discourse, it would seem that the entire surah was revealed in one piece rather than in fragments. However, it cannot be altogether ruled out that certain comments relating to problems which arose as a result of the Battle of Badr were revealed later and were subsequently incorporated into the main body of the surah without impairing the continuity and coherence of its narrative. Be that as it may, the surah is too well-organized and too neatly integrated for it to be considered the collection of several independent and disparate discourses.
Historical Background
It would seem appropriate before commenting on the substantive questions discussed in the surah, to look from an historical angle, at the Battle of Badr and the events relating to it.
Towards the end of the Makkan period of the Prophet's life (i.e. towards the end of the twelve years of his ministry as a Prophet in Makka), it was already clear that the Message of Islam stood on firm ground. This was so not only because the Prophet (peace be on him) was a man of superb moral character, a man distinguished for his magnanimity and wisdom, but also because he was totally dedicated to the cause of Islam. He had also given sufficient evidence of his being possessed of unrelenting determination to carry out his mission to a successful conclusion and of being ever prepared to brave whatever dangers and hardships which might confront him. Moreover, the Message preached by the Prophet (peace be on him) had such an intrinsic merit that the minds and hearts of the people around him were irresistibly drawn to it. As a result walls of ignorance and bigotry and barriers of inherited prejudice were gradually crumbling and proving ineffective to prevent the spread of Islam. Initially, the standard-bearers of the age-old Jahiliyah (Ignorance) of Arabia had dismissed Islam as trivial and frivolous. But as Islam won an increasing number of converts during the last phase of the Prophet's life in Makka, the enemies began to look upon it as a force to reckon with, and busied themselves with strategies for its total obliteration.
However, no matter how promising the achievements of the Muslims might have been, a few gaps had yet to be filled before the movement of the Prophet (peace be on him) could attain success. First, it was yet to be established that the Message of the Prophet (peace be on him) had won a sufficiently large following of those who not only believed in it, but who were fired with an intense love for and devotion to it. Nor had it been established that the followers of the Prophet (peace be on him) were ready to exert all their energies and resources in pursuit of their cause. It was also yet to be seen whether they would sacrifice their possessions and incur the hostility of the rest of the world and even go so far as to sever their ties with even their closest relatives if their cause would so demand. The early Muslims had doubtlessly proved their mettle by bravely putting up with the persecution of the Makkans, a fact which reflected the sincerity of their faith and the firmness of their commitment to Islam. Nevertheless, they had yet to pass through many more trials before it could be incontestably established that the Message of Islam was being championed by a band of truly devoted adherents who cherished nothing more than the cause which they had set out to promote.
Second, even though the Message of Islam had begun to reverb- erate throughout the Arabian peninsula, its influence was diffused. Its supporters were scattered throughout the length and breadth of the land. These scattered supporters had not as yet been knit together into a collective force which would be needed for a decisive encounter with the entrenched un-Islamic way of life.
Third, the influence of Islam had not yet permeated itself over any one particular region to the extent whereby it could hold sway over it. In no region was Islam powerful enough for a base to be established for it to consolidate its position and thereafter to reach out to others. Having a tenuous grounding, the situation of Islam was comparable to that of chloroquine in an empty stomach whereby the latter is ever prone to throw it out.
Fourth, the Message of Islam had yet to make its full impact on human life insofar as the Muslims had neither had the opportunity to shape a collective order according to their vision nor to develop distinctive economic, social and political institutions consistent with those norms and values. Nor had they as yet had any serious interaction with other powers that would lead them either to engage in armed conflict or conclude agreements of peace. Hence the ideals which, according to Islam, ought to guide and regulate the day-to-day life of man had not yet come into sharp focus. Nor had it yet been fully established how earnest the Muslims and their Prophet (peace be on him) were in putting into practice the principles which they espoused. The events that followed, however, enabled the Muslims to overcome these deficiencies.
During the last three or four years of the Makkan period of the Prophet's life, Islam had begun to radiate towards Yathrib (later called Madina) and the Yathribites seemed much more receptive to Islam than the people of other areas. In the twelfth year of Prophethood, 622 C.E., and during Ḥajj, a delegation comprising seventy-five people from Yathrib called on the Prophet (peace be on him) in the darkness of the night. Not only did they embrace Islam but also expressed their desire that the Prophet (peace be on him) and his followers should move to and settle down in their home town. This invitation to the Muslims, which must be regarded as the favour of God to them, was readily welcomed by the Prophet (peace be on him).
This seemingly modest event, however, changed the whole course of events. For the people of Yathrib had invited the Prophet (peace be on him) not just to live in security amongst them as a refugee but rather because they wished to welcome him in their midst in his capacity as the Messenger of God and hence as their leader and ruler. (See, for instance, the pledge of 'Ubadah b. al-Ṣāmit in which he promised not to disobey the Prophet in ma'ruf. Ibn Hishām, vol. 2, pp. 433-4. See also the documents commonly known as the 'Constitution of Madina' in which obedience to the Prophet (peace be on him) has been prominently envisaged in the newly established body-politic. See Ibn Hishām, vol. 2, pp. 501-4 - Ed.) It is obvious that the people of Yathrib (Madina) had not asked the Makkan Muslims to migrate to their town merely to enjoy a life of peace and security. They had rather invited them so that the entire body of Muslims might concentrate at one place and establish a collective Islamic entity. Yathrib thus offered itself as the City of Islam and the Prophet's acceptance of the offer ensured that it became the first Dar al-Islām (Domain of Islam) in Arabia.
The people of Yathrib were well aware of the implications of inviting the Prophet (peace be on him) into their midst. It was abundantly clear to them that their small town would be exposed to social and cultural boycott, and even to the active hostility of the entire Arabian peninsula. It was with a full awareness of the risks involved that those erstwhile supporters of Islam -- the Anṣār - made their pledge of fealty to the Prophet (peace be on him) in that eventful meeting on the occasion of Bay'at al-'Aqabah. While the pledge of fealty was being concluded, Asad b. Zurarah, the youngest member of the Yathribite delegation, rose and said:
Do not hasten, O people of Yathrib! We made our way to this man only because we firmly believe that he is the Messenger of God. We know that taking him away from here means that the whole of Arabia will be aroused to hostility, that some of the best of you will get killed, and swords will fall upon you. If you can put up with these dangers, take him [i.e. the Prophet (peace be on him)], and you will be rewarded by God. But if you feel afraid of yourselves (that you will not be able to live up to your commitments) then leave him alone and let that be clearly known. Such is more likely to be condoned by God [than your betrayal of the Prophet (peace be on him) later]. (See Aḥmad b. Hanbal, Musnad, vol. 3, pp. 322 and 340 – Ed.)
Almost the same point was reiterated by another member of the delegation of Yathrib, 'Abbas b. 'Ubadah b. Naḍlah:
Do you realize what pledge you are making to this person? (They said: 'Yes'.) By making a pledge of fealty to this person you are in fact pledging to fight against the whole world. If you feel that in case your properties are destroyed or your nobles killed, you will surrender him [to his enemies], it is better that you forsake him today. For, by God, this will humiliate you in this world and the Next. However, if you are determined to stand by him whom you are now inviting to your home, and would do so even if your properties are destroyed and your nobles killed, then take him with you. For, by God, that is best for you in this world and the Next. (Ibn Hishām, vol. 1, p. 446 - Ed.)
By way of response, all the members of the delegation unanim- ously exclaimed: 'We are prepared to support him even if our wealth is destroyed and our nobles killed.' (Ibn Hishām, vol. 1, p. 446.) Thereafter the famous pledge, known as Bay'at al-'Aqabah al- Thāniyah, was made.
On the other hand, the implications of this pledge of fealty were not lost on the Makkans. Quite obviously the pledge meant not just providing a haven of refuge but also an operational base to the Prophet (peace be on him). This constituted no ordinary threat to the Makkans who were fully aware of the Prophet's dynamic personality and his outstanding leadership qualities. In addition, the determination and devotion of the Muslims had already been tested by the Makkans, and thanks to the pledge of 'Aqabah, they were well on their way to proper organization under the Prophet's leadership in Madina. The event, therefore, seemed to sound a death-knell to the entrenched old order of Arabia.
Moreover, the concentration of the Muslims in such a strategic place as Madina, which made the trade route from Yemen to Syria along the shores of the Red Sea vulnerable to hostile action from the Muslims, alarmed the Quraysh. This trade route was of crucial importance for the economic well-being not only of the Quraysh but also of many other polytheistic tribes of Arabia. Making good use of Madina's strategic location, the Muslims could disrupt the whole economy of the existing un-Islamic order. The importance of this trade route can be ascertained by the fact that it yielded the Makkan merchants an annual income of up to 250,000 guineas. In addition there were the sizeable profits made by the merchants of Ta'if and other places in Arabia from the traders passing along the route. (For detailed information about the value of the merchandise of this trading caravan see al-Waqidī, vol. 1, pp. 27-8 - Ed.)
The Quraysh were fully cognizant of the importance of the pledge of fealty made by the people of Yathrib. The very night when the Pledge of 'Aqabah was to be concluded, the Makkans got wind of it and it caused a furore among them. First, they tried to dissuade the Yathribites from making the pledge to the Prophet (peace be on him). However, when the Muslims began migrating in twos and threes to Yathrib, the Quraysh realized that at some point the Prophet (peace be on him) would also move there.
Fully aware of the dangers to them implicit in the Prophet's migration to Madina, the Makkans resorted to extreme measures to prevent him from doing so. A council of the Quraysh was held in order to discuss the matter just a few days before the Prophet (peace be on him) actually migrated. After prolonged arguments and counter-arguments it was finally resolved that one person should be taken from each clan of the Quraysh except Banū Hāshim, and they should join hands in putting the Prophet (peace be on him) to the sword. They opted for this course of action because the involvement of all the Quraysh would make it virtually impossible for Banu Hashim to take revenge. They would rather find themselves in a situation in which the only option available to them would be to accept blood-money. However, thanks to God's help and owing to the Prophet's total trust in God and his own wise tactical moves, the plan of the Quraysh was frustrated and the Prophet (peace be on him) was able to reach Madina safely. (See Ibn Hishām, vol. 1, p. 482 - Ed.)
With the failure of their scheme, the Quraysh thought up another scheme and accordingly wrote to 'Abd Allah b. Ubayy*: 'You have granted shelter in your town to one of our men. We swear by God that either you should fight against him, or expel him, or else we will attack you and kill your males and enslave your females.' (Abū Da'ūd, K. al-Kharaj wa al-Fay' wa al-Imarah, 'Bāb fi Khabar al-Naḍīr' Ed.) On receiving this letter 'Abd Allah b. 'Ubayy felt inclined to cause mischief. The Prophet (peace be on him), however, put a timely end to it. Later, when Sa'd b. Mu'adh a Madinan chief went to Makka to perform 'Umrah, Abū Jahl stopped him at the entrance of the Ka'bah and told him: 'Do you think we will let you perform circumambulation (ṭawāf) in Makka while you provide help and support to the renegades of our faith? Had you not been with Abū Ṣafwan [i.e. Umayyah ibn al-Khalaf], you would not have returned to your folks alive.' To this Sa'd's reply was: 'By God, if you prevent me from that (viz. performing the rites of Pilgrimage) I will prevent you from something that will cause you greater hurt (i.e. carrying on trade along the route to Syria). (Al-Bukhārī, 'Al-Maghāzi', 'Bāb Dhikr al-Nabi... man Yuqtal bi Badr' - Ed.)
[*It may be recalled that the Madinans had decided to confer on 'Abd Allah b. Ubayy the kingship of Madina before the Prophet's migration. But the arrival of the Prophet (peace be on him) in Madina and the spread of Islam among the tribes of Aws and Khazraj threw cold water on his ambitions. (See al-Waqidī, vol. 2, pp. 419 and 421 - Ed.)]
Thus the Makkans threatened to prevent the Muslims from making Pilgrimage to Makka, and the Madinans returned the threat by making it known that if they did that the route to Syria could be rendered perilous for the Makkans.
In fact the Muslims had no other choice but to gain and consolidate their control over that trade route so that the Quraysh and other tribes inimical to the Muslims might reconsider their hostile policy. It is not surprising, therefore, that after reaching Madina the first problem to which the Prophet (peace be on him) addressed his attention after setting up the rudiments of the administration of the nascent Islamic society and concluding treaties with neighbouring Jewish tribes was precisely that of the trade route to Syria. In grappling with that problem the Prophet (peace be on him) adopted two measures in particular.
First, he embarked upon negotiations with the tribes inhabiting the area close to the trade route so as to conclude treaties of alliance or at least of neutrality. In this respect his efforts were crowned with success. He also concluded a pact of neutrality with the Juhaynah, the tribe living in the mountainous region adjacent to the Red Sea coast. Then in 1 A.H./623 C.E. he concluded a mutual defence alliance with Banu Damrah, who lived in the area close to Yanbu and Dhu al-'Ushayrah. In the middle of 2 A.H./623 or 624 C.E. another tribe, Banu Mudlij, the neighbours and allies of Banu, Damrah, joined the alliance. Above all, his missionary efforts also bore fruit and there came into being a sizeable group of those who had either converted to Islam or at least sympathized with it.
Second, the Prophet (peace be on him) sent a series of small expeditions in quick succession along the trade route to scare the trading caravans of the Quraysh. On several occasions the Prophet (peace be on him) himself joined these expeditions. In the first year of Hijrah, 624 C.E., four such expeditions were dispatched. In the accounts narrated in the Maghazi works these expeditions are known as Sariyah Ḥamzah, Sariyah 'Ubaydah b. Ḥarith, Sariyah Sa'd b. Abi Waqqaş, and Ghazwat al-Abwa'.* In the beginning of the following year similar expeditions were undertaken and are known as Ghazwat Buwat and Ghazwah Dhu al-'Ushayrah.
These expeditions are noteworthy for two reasons. First, no blood was shed, nor any caravan looted. This clearly shows that the purpose of the expeditions was to give a warning to the Quraysh. The second noteworthy feature of these expeditions was that not a single Madinan took part in them. The expeditions were manned solely by Makkan Emigrants. This was done deliberately so as to keep the conflict confined among the Quraysh and to avoid any escalation that would have ensued as a result of other tribes being involved. On the other hand, the Makkans quite regularly sent invading parties. In one such expedition under the leadership of Kurz b. Jabir al-Fihri, the Makkans carried out a raid in the vicinity of Madina itself and carried away the cattle of the inhabitants. The Quraysh also tried their best to drag other tribes into the fray. Moreover, they did not confine their military manoeuvres to warnings or threats but engaged in real acts of plunder and bloodshed. (See Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqāt, vol. 2, p. 9 - Ed.)
[*In Islamic terminology, Sariyah refers to the expedition dispatched by the Prophet (peace be on him) under the leadership of any of his Companions whereas Ghazwah refers to the expeditions led by the Prophet (peace be on him) himself.]
It was against this background that the Muslims came to find out in Sha'ban 2 A.H. / February or March 624 C.E. that a large caravan of the Quraysh, carrying goods worth 50,000 guineas, and escorted by no more than 30 or 40 security guards en route to Makka from Syria, had arrived at a place within the reach of the Madinans. Since the number of guards was disproportionately small to the value of the merchandise, and the Makkans well remembered the earlier expeditions of the Muslims, they feared that the Muslims would attack their caravan. Abu Sufyan, the leader of the caravan, therefore, rushed a messenger to Makka and sought help and reinforcements. Following the Arab custom of the time, when the messenger approached Makka he chopped off the ears and slit the nose of the camel, turned the saddle upside down, tore his cloak and yelled: 'O people of Quraysh! Rush to your trading caravan. Muḥammad and his followers are out to seize your goods with Abu Sufyan. I don't think you will be able to get them. Help! Help!' (Al-Waqidī, vol. 1, p. 31 - Ed.)
This caused an uproar throughout Makka, with the leading Quraysh chiefs deciding to go to war. About 1000 fighters, including 600 soldiers in coats of mail, and 100 cavalry, moved out of Makka with much pomp and show. (Al-Waqidī, vol. 1, p. 31; al-Ṭabari, Ta'rikh, vol. 2, p. 430 - Ed.) They wanted not only to rescue the caravan but also to nip in the bud the threat posed by the Muslims. They had made up their minds to deal a crushing blow to the rising power of the Muslims. They also wanted to terrorize the neighbour- ing tribes so as to ensure the safety of their trading caravans in the future.
The Prophet (peace be on him), who always kept himself abreast of developments which had any bearing on his mission, realized that the time to take a decisive step had come. He felt that if a bold and effective step was not taken right then, the Islamic movement might be enervated and suffer a blow from which it might never be able to recover. The situation at the time was such that the Muhajirūn (Emigrants) had not fully settled for they had spent barely two years in their new habitat. Among the major components of the Muslim community in Madina the Emigrants were resourceless and the local Helpers (Anṣār) lacked experience in fighting. Not only that, the neighbouring Jewish tribes were bent on hostility. Also within the ranks of the Muslims in Madina there existed other hostile elements such as a powerful group of hypocrites (Munafiqun) and the polytheists. Furthermore, the tribes living in the neighbourhood of Madina were not only overawed by the Quraysh, but also held a religious affinity with them.
In such circumstances had the Quraysh taken the initiative and launched an attack on Madina, it might well have led to the obliteration of the small community of Muslims in that town. But the situation was such that even if the Quraysh abstained from attacking the Muslims and merely took their caravan back to Makka by dint of their military strength without any interception from the Muslims, this would have adversely affected the political and military prestige of the Muslims. It was quite likely that in such a case the Muslims would have been considered too feeble to be granted any quarter in any part of Arabia. It might also have encouraged the formation of a powerful alliance between the Quraysh and other tribes. Moreover, the axis of the Madinan Jews, the hypocrites, the polytheists and the Quraysh might have openly risen and so placed the Muslims in an exceedingly difficult situation. For once their prestige had been undermined, their lives, property and honour would have been jeopardized. In view of these facts, the Prophet (peace be on him) decided to use all the resources available to him and marched to the battleground in order that it might be resolved once and for all as to which of the contending parties had the right to live.
Having made up his mind, the Prophet (peace be on him) gathered together both the Anșăr and Muhajirun and informed them of the situation. He told them unequivocally that the Quraysh trading caravan was in the north whereas the invading Quraysh army was in the south and moving towards Madina. He also informed them that God had promised the Muslims that they would be able to seize any of the two parties they wished. (al-Anfäl 8: 7 – Ed.) Now it was for them to make the choice: did they wish to attack the trading caravan or the approaching army? A number of Muslims preferred to attack the caravan. However, since the Prophet (peace be on him) had something else in mind, he repeated his question. To this Miqdad b. 'Amr, one of the Muhajirün responded in the following words:
O Messenger of God! Proceed as God has commanded you to. We are with you, regardless of what you decide. We shall not say as the Children of Israel said to Moses: 'Go forth, you and your Lord, and fight. As for us, we shall remain here sitting' (al-Ma'idah 5: 24). We rather say: 'Go forth, you and your Lord, and fight, and we shall fight on your side as long as the eyelid of any one of us keeps moving.' (See Ibn Hisham, vol. 1, p. 615; al-Waqidī, vol. 1, p. 48 - Ed.)
However, the decision to attack the Quraysh army could not be taken without ascertaining the views of the Anṣār. So far no help had been sought from them in military expeditions. This was thus the first occasion when it would be determined as to how far the Anşăr would go in order to fulfil the commitment to support Islam which they had made at the time of pledging their fealty to the Prophet (peace be on him). Without addressing the Ansar directly, the Prophet (peace be on him) again put the two alternatives before his audience. (See Ibn Hisham, vol. 1, p. 615 - Ed.) Realizing that what the Prophet (peace be on him) was really aiming at was to ascertain the opinion of the Anșăr on the question, Sa'd b. Mu'adh rose and inquired whether the Prophet's question was directed to the Anşar. When the Prophet (peace be on him) replied in the affirmative, he said:
We decided to believe in you. We affirmed the veracity of your claim [to be the Messenger of God] and we bore witness to the truth of your teachings. We have also given you our pledge and concluded with you a firm covenant to hear and to obey. O Messenger of God! Do as you wish. By the One Who has sent you with the truth, if you were to take us to the sea and plunge into it, and none of us shall remain behind. We shall not mind if you confront the enemy with us tomorrow. We shall persevere in battle, shall remain faithful in the encounter with the enemy, and possibly God will enable us to achieve what will soothe your eyes. So take us along to the battlefield with God's blessing. (Al-Waqidī, vol. 1, pp. 48-9 - Ed.)
After these deliberations it was decided that the Muslims should go forth and confront the Quraysh army rather than take on the trading caravan. This was no ordinary decision. Although the Muslims had made up their minds to fight, their number hardly exceeded 300. Of these, 86 were Muhajirun and of the rest, 61 belonged to the Aws and 170 to the Khazraj, the two main clans of Madina. Such was the scarcity of resources that only two or three Muslims had horses. The number of camels too was no more than 70 so that three or four persons took turns on each camel. There was also an acute paucity of weapons. Only 60 Muslims had coats of mail.
No wonder, leaving aside the devoted ones who were fired with the zeal to sacrifice their lives for Islam, a number of them feared their destruction at the Battle of Badr. Naturally those who had embraced Islam under the impression that it would bring them material advantage began to have second thoughts. They looked upon the decision to take on the Quraysh army as an aberrant act prompted by religious fanaticism. However, the Prophet (peace be on him) and the true believers were convinced that the time had come for them to stake their lives for their cause. Trusting God, they set off straight along the south-western route, towards the approaching Quraysh army. It is obvious that had the decision of the Prophet (peace be on him) been to intercept the trading caravan, they would have proceeded in the north-western direction.*
[*It is noteworthy that while narrating the Battle of Badr both the historians and biographers of the Prophet (peace be on him) have placed their reliance on traditions embodied in the works of Hadith and Maghazi. But a good many of these traditions are opposed to the statements made by the Qur'an and are therefore not to be relied upon. It is not just on grounds of religious faith that we consider the Qur'anic version more trustworthy. We are of the view that even from an historical point of view the most trustworthy version is the one embodied in this surah al-Anfäl. This is so because the surah was revealed immediately after the Battle of Badr, and its statements were in the knowledge of those who had participated in the battle itself from both the sides. Had there been any discrepancy between the Qur'anic statements and the facts of the battle, that would have been pointed out and repudiated by innumerable people. It may be noted that the author believes that the Qur'ānic verses clearly indicate what the Prophet (peace be on him) intended when he proceeded from Madina to confront the Quraysh army. (See al-Anfal 8: 5-8; cf. Shibli Nu'mâni, Sirat al-Nabi, 6th edition, vol. 1, pp. 343 ff. Ed.) On the contrary, the earlier Muslim historians and biographers are inclined to the view that the original intent of the Prophet (peace be on him) was to attack the trading caravan. (See Ibn Hisham, vol. 1, pp. 606 f.; Ibn Sa'd, vol. 2, pp. 11 f.; and al-Waqidi, vol. 1, pp. 20, 21 - Ed.)]
On 17th Ramaḍān the two armies - those of the Quraysh and the Muslims - encountered each other at a place called Badr. As they stood face to face, the Prophet (peace be on him) noted that the Quraysh outnumbered the Muslims by three to one. Moreover, the Muslims were scantily equipped. Observing this, the Prophet (peace be on him) outstretched his arms and prayed with great earnestness and humility:
O God! Here are the Quraysh who in their vain glory seek to call the lie to Your Messenger. O God! Support us with the help You promised me. O God! Were this group [of Muslims] to perish, none in the whole earth shall worship You. (Ibn Hisham, vol. 1, p. 621 - Ed.)
The Battle of Badr was a severe test for all Muslims. The faith of the Muhajirun was truly tested in the battle for they were lined up against their own kith and kin, some having to cross swords with their father, son, uncle, or brother if the latter happened to be in the Quraysh army. To have to fight against one's near and dear ones because they sought to obliterate Islam was a very serious test indeed and only those who had decided to support the truth with total single-mindedness and were fully willing to sever all ties with falsehood could come out successfully.
The test through which the Anṣār had to pass was no less severe. They had already antagonized the most powerful Arabian tribes - the Quraysh and their allies by providing shelter to the Muslim's. But now they were going to commit an act of much greater daring and provocation. They were going to engage the Quraysh in battle. This meant that their small town, inhabited by a few thousand souls, would virtually invite the hostility of the whole of Arabia. Such a step could have been taken only by those committed devotees of the truth who had become totally impervious to personal interests. Ultimately, however, the sincerity of the Muslims won them God's help. The Quraysh, who had exulted in their power, suffered defeat at the hands of the ill-equipped Muslims. Seventy of the Quraysh were killed. Another 70 were taken as captives and their possessions seized by the Muslims as booty. The leading members of the Quraysh, those who had stood in the vanguard of hostility towards Islam, were cut down during the course of the battle.
This decisive victory made Islam a force to reckon with across all of Arabia. As a Western scholar has pointed out: 'Prior to the battle of Badr, Islam was merely a religion. After Badr, it became the religion of the state, or the state itself."
Subject Matter
The surah under discussion offers a critique of this great battle. However, the tenor of this critique is radically different from those made by the worldly rulers in their retrospective analyses of their victories. The salient features of the critique are as follows:
First, attention was drawn to the shortcomings which continued to be displayed by the Muslims. This was necessary in order that they might make amends and strive to improve themselves further.
Second, the Muslims were also told how much they owed their victory to Divine help. This was a timely corrective needed to keep the Muslims from exulting in their own bravery and valour and from considering themselves decisive factors in their victory. They were rather told to place trust in God alone and to obey God and His Messenger. The moral purpose for the sake of which the Muslims are required to engage in armed conflicts was also explained. Likewise, the moral virtues essential for success in the fight between truth and falsehood were elucidated.
The surah also effectively admonishes the different kinds of people then found the polytheists, the hypocrites, the Jews, and those who had been taken as captives.
With regard to the spoils captured by the Muslims during the battle, they were told that they should not look upon them as their property. They should treat them as belonging to God and should hence thank God for them and be content with whatever portion had been laid down for them by God. They should also cheerfully accept to devote the portion of the spoils sanctioned by God to be devoted to promote His cause or to provide support for the poor and needy.
Some directives of immense moral value relating to war and peace were also given. These were very much needed at the time in order that the Muslims might be able to avoid the reprehensible practices of the pre-Islamic period. Adherence to those directives would not only establish their moral superiority but also show how Islamic concepts could be incorporated in practice.
Some provisions of the Islamic constitutional law were also laid down in order to define the status of the Muslims living in the Domain of Islam as distinct from those Muslims living beyond its boundaries.